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Immovable Enemy Properties in India refers to properties (such as land, buildings, and other fixed assets) that were left behind by people who migrated to Pakistan during the partition of India in 1947 and subsequently to China after the 1962 war. These properties came under the custody of the Indian government through the Enemy Property Act of 1968, which was amended in 2017 to strengthen the powers of the Custodian of Enemy Property for India (CEPI).
How did the concept of enemy property begin?
The concept of enemy property emerged after the Indo-Pak wars of 1965 and 1971, as well as the Sino-Indian war of 1962. Following these conflicts, the Indian government took control of properties and businesses owned by individuals who had migrated and acquired citizenship in Pakistan or China.
What legislation governs enemy property?
The Enemy Property Act, 1968, and the Enemy Property (Amendment and Validation) Act, 2017 govern enemy property.
Who manages enemy properties?
The Custodian of Enemy Property for India (CEPI), a government official under the Ministry of Home Affairs, manages enemy properties.
The majority of enemy properties are situated in the northern and eastern states of India. Uttar Pradesh is by far the largest state with 5,688 properties, followed by West Bengal with 4,354 properties. Together, these two states control almost 75% of India’s total enemy properties. Delhi has 633 properties, which is remarkable given its small geographic area, which suggests that there is a high concentration of these properties in urban areas due to the capital’s historical significance and affluent character. The northeastern state of Tripura shows a surprisingly high number with 500 properties, which can be attributed to its shared border with East Pakistan during partition. Maharashtra (430), despite being one of the major states of India, has relatively fewer properties. In general, the southern states like Karnataka (38), Kerala (68), and Tamil Nadu (66) reported a comparatively lesser number of enemy properties. This north-south disparity clearly reflects the historical context of partition-era migration. This distribution pattern shows a historical marker of the partition’s impact and subsequent geopolitical events.
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